Dictatorshit !

Gün geçmiyor ki yeni bir dangalaklığa şaşırmak için gözlerimizi kocaman açmayalım. Aslında bu bir haftadan fazla süredir beklettiğim bir konu , sinirim yatışsın da güzel güzel yazayım diye sürekli pas geçiyordum.

Efendim, Hıncal Uluç bey geçenlerde bir yazı yazmış köşesinde; buyrun,

"ENTEL dünyamızda diktatörler ikiye ayrılır. Tüm solcu diktatörler, muhteşem adamlardır.. Lenin.. Mao.. Ho Şi Min!..
Aklınıza kim gelirse..
Tüm sağcı diktatörler de, alçak, aşağılık, rezil.. Yakın zamanda sağdan iki diktatör öldü.. Pinochet ve Türkmenbaşı.. Bu ikisinin eleştirilecek yanı çoktu. Yazdılar, hâlâ yazıyorlar..
Ama yaptıkları çok önemli işler de vardı..
Pinochet, ekonomist olmadığı halde, çökmüş bir ekonomiyi ayağa kaldırmış, Türkmenbaşı, halkına en çok sosyal haklar sağlayan, onun yaşam düzeyini gıpta edilecek düzeye getiren lider olmuştu.
Bunları bir yerlerde okudunuz mu, bugüne dek?.. Yazan oldu mu, "Sezar'ın da hakları var" diye.."

Evet , derin bir nefes alıp kabul edelim arkadaşlar, Hıncal bey bugüne kadar gözümünüzün önünde durmasına rağmen ideolojik gözlüklerimiz sonucunda farkedemediğimiz bir gerçeği apaçık önümüze koymuş. Efendim, Pinochet kötüye gitmekte olan Şili ekonomisini toparlamış, fakat kendisi sağcı olduğu için biz bunu kabullenememişiz.

Hadi ordan canım, hadi ordan.

Yav bir kere, yüz bine yakın insanı öldürmüş, stadyumlarda infaz ettirmiş, cesetleri helikopterlerle okyanusa attırmış bir insanın sağladığı ( aslında gerçek olmayan ) bir ekonomik gelişmeye saygı duymak, Hitler için "O kadar Yahudi'yi öldürdü ama onların altın dişlerini sökerek atıl kaynağı ekonomiye kazandırdı, hem savaş ekonomisi ABD'nin şu anki gelişmişlik halini sağlaması açısından önemlidir." demekle aşağı yukarı aynı şey değil mi ? Nerede kaldı senin insancıllığın, o televizyon programında yaptığın saçma sapan hayattan keyif alma geyiklerin ? Ekonomik gelişme uğruna hepimizi satabileceğini bildiğimiz bir insan, bize sevgi adına ne verebilir ?

Bok okurum bundan sonra yazdığın saçma yazıları, bu bir.

İkincisi, bilgi sahibi olmadan bu konularda fikir sahibi olmak her zaman tehlikelidir, allah muhafaza bir gün biri mutlaka ters köşeye yatırır da , ağı cırtlayan pantalonunuzdan görünen kıçınızı nasıl saklayacağınızı düşünürsünüz.

Wikipedia'dan alıntılıyorum, yaradan rabbinin adıyla oku Hıncal Uluç;

"Between 1950 and 1970, the Chilean economy expanded at meager rates. GDP grew at an average rate of 3.8 percent per annum, whereas real GDP per capita increased at an average yearly rate of 1.6 percent. Over this period, Chile's economic performance was the poorest among Latin America's large and medium-size countries.

As in most historical cases, Chile's import-substitution strategy was accompanied by an acute overvaluation of the domestic currency that precluded the development of a vigorous nontraditional (that is, noncopper) export sector. Although some agrarian reform was attempted, the government increasingly resorted to controlling agricultural prices in order to subsidize the urban working and middle classes. The agricultural sector was particularly harmed by the overvaluation of Chile's currency. The lagging of agriculture became, in fact, one of the most noticeable symptoms of Chile's economic problems of the 1950s and 1960s. Over this period, manufacturing and mining, mainly of copper, significantly increased their shares in total output.

By the early 1960s, most of the easy and obvious substitutions of imported goods had already been made; the process of import substitution was rapidly becoming less dynamic. For example, between 1950 and 1960 total real industrial production grew at an annual rate of only 3.5 percent, less than half the rate of the previous decade.

During the 1950s, inflation, which had been a chronic problem in Chile since at least the 1880s, became particularly serious; the rate of increase of consumer prices averaged 36 percent per annum during the decade, reaching a peak of 84 percent in 1955. The main source of the inflationary pressure on the Chilean economy was a remarkably lax fiscal policy. Chile's economic history has been marked by failed attempts to curb inflation. During the 1950s and 1960s, three major stabilization programs, one in each administration, were launched. The common aspect of these efforts was the emphasis placed on tackling the various consequences of inflationary pressures, such as prices, wages, and exchange-rate increases, rather than the root cause of money growth, the monetization of the fiscal deficit. In spite of the efforts of presidents Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (1927-31, 1952-58) and Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez (1958-64), inflation averaged 31 percent per annum during these two decades. In 1970, the last year of the government of President Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964-70), the inflation rate stood at 35 percent.

During the 1960s, and especially during the Frei administration, some efforts to reform the economy were launched. These included an agrarian reform, a limited liberalization of the external sector, and a policy of minidevaluations aimed at preventing the erosion of the real exchange rate. Under the 1962 Agrarian Reform Law, the Agrarian Reform Corporation (Corporación de Reforma Agraria--Cora) was created to handle the distribution, but land reform proved to be slow and expensive. In spite of these and other reforms, toward the end of the 1960s it appeared that the performance of the economy had not improved in relation to the previous twenty years. Moreover, the economy was still heavily regulated"

Burada da 70'te göreve gelen Allende yönetiminin planladığı ekonomik reformlar anlatılıyor, bunlar anlayacak kadar İngilizcen olduğunu varsayıyorum, yoksa bir akşam Ertegün'ün kafesinde otururken çıtlat bana, çevireyim senin için;

"In September 1970, Salvador Allende, the UP candidate, was elected president of Chile. Over the next three years, a unique political and economic experience followed. The UP was a coalition of left and center-left parties dominated by the Socialist Party of Chile (Partido Socialista--PS) and the Communist Party of Chile (Partido Comunista de Chile--PCCh), both of which sought to implement deep institutional, political, and economic reforms. The UP's program called for a democratic "Chilean road to socialism".

When Allende took office in November 1970, his UP government faced a stagnant economy weakened by inflation, which hit a rate of 35 percent in 1970. Between 1967 and 1970, real GDP per capita had grown only 1.2 percent per annum, a rate significantly below the Latin American average. The balance of payments had shown substantial surpluses during all but one of the years from 1964 to 1970, and, at the time the UP took power, the Central Bank of Chile had a stock of international reserves of approximately US$400 million.

The UP had a number of short-run economic objectives: initiating structural economic transformations, including a program of nationalization; increasing real wages; reducing inflation; spurring economic growth; increasing consumption, especially by poorer people; and reducing the economy's dependence on the rest of the world. The UP's nationalization program was to be achieved by a combination of new legislation, requisitions, and stock purchases from small shareholders. The other goals--output and increased consumption, with rising salaries and declining inflation--were to be accomplished by a boost in aggregate demand, mainly generated by higher government expenditures, accompanied by strict price controls and measures to redistribute income.

The UP's macroeconomic program was based on several key assumptions, the most important being that the manufacturing sector had ample underutilized capacity. This provided the theoretical basis for the belief that large fiscal deficits would not necessarily be inflationary. The lack of full utilization was, in turn, attributed to two fundamental factors: the monopolistic nature of the manufacturing industry and the structure of income distribution. Based on this diagnosis, it was thought that if income were redistributed toward the poorer groups through wage increases and if prices were properly controlled, there would be a significant expansion of demand and output.

Regarding inflation, the UP program placed blame on structural rigidities (namely, slow or no response of quantity supplied to price increases), bottlenecks, and the role of monopolistic pricing, and it played down the role of fiscal pressures and money creation. Little attention was paid to the financial sector, given the orientation of the new regime's economic technocrats toward the import-substitution, structuralist philosophy of the Economic Commission for Latin America. In fact, Allende's minister of foreign relations and vice president, Clodomiro Almeyda, relates in his memoirs how in the first postelection meeting of the economic team, these technocrats argued expressly and convincingly that monetary and financial management did not deserve too much attention. Alfonso Inostroza, the Central Bank president, stated in early 1971 that the main objective of the monetary policy was to "transform it into a key instrument . . . to achieve the complete mobilization of productive resources, and their allocation to those areas that the government gives priority to . . . ." This was consistent with the view of inflation of those espousing structuralism.

The UP perspective on the way the economy functioned ignored many of the key principles of traditional economic theory. This was reflected in the greatly diminished attention given to monetary policies, but also in the complete disregard of the exchange rate as a key variable in determining macroeconomic equilibrium. In particular, the UP program and policies paid no attention to the role of the real exchange rate as a determinant of the country's international competitive position. Moreover, the UP failed to recognize that its policies would not be sustainable in the medium term and that capacity constraints were going to become an insurmountable obstacle to rapid growth."

Bu da senin çok sevdiğin, milyonlarca insanın mezarının üzerinde dansedebilmek için can attığı Pinochet döneminde yapılanlar;

"After the military took over the government in September 1973, a period of dramatic economic changes began. Chile was transformed gradually from an economy isolated from the rest of the world, with strong government intervention, into a liberalized, worldintegrated economy, where market forces were left free to guide most of the economy's decisions. This period was characterized by several important economic achievements: inflation was reduced greatly, the government deficit was virtually eliminated, the economy went through a dramatic liberalization of its foreign sector, and a strong market system was established.

From an economic point of view, the era of General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-90) can be divided into two periods. The first, from 1973 to 1982, corresponds to the period when most of the reforms were implemented. The period ended with the international debt crisis and the collapse of the Chilean economy. At that point, unemployment was extremely high, above 20 percent, and a large proportion of the banking sector had become bankrupt. During this period, a pragmatic economic policy that emphasized export expansion and growth was implemented. The second period, from 1982 to 1990, is characterized by economic recovery and a further movement towards a free market economy, although at a slower pace than that of the early 1980s."

Neymiş, kapitalist dünyada Soğuk savaş döneminde geç kalmış ekonomik gelişmesini sağlama mücadelesi veren bir ülkenin uyguladığı ekonomik programları ve toprak reformunu daha ileriye götürebilmek için halk tarafından seçilerek yönetime gelen Allende hükümetinin ABD tarafından devrilmesinin sebebi, Pinochet aracılığıyla ekonomiyi ardına kadar dışarıya açarak , korumacılıkla geliştirilmeye çalışan tüm sektörlerin çökertilmesinin kolaylaştırılmasıymış.

Ee, hani bir fıkra vardır; ağam biz bu boku niye yedik diye, biz bunları zaten biliyorduk bu tartışmaya niye girdik ?

Çünkü Hıncal bey, marjinal olmayı, saçma da olsa genel görüşün aksi yönündeki fikirleri savunmayı matah bir şey sanmakta.

Ben daha fazla uzatmıyorum, buradan bile çıkartılacak fazlasıyla sonuç var.

Bu arada, kıçın görünüyor abi.